Hephaestion › Aristocracy and Democracy in Greek › Ancient origins
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- Hephaestion › Who Was
- The Dexileos Stele: A Study of Aristocracy and Democracy in Greek › Antique Origins
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Hephaestion › Who Was
Definition and Origins
Hephaestion was a member of Alexander the Great 's personal bodyguard and the Macedonian king's closest and lifelong friend and advisor. So much so, Hephaestion's death would bring the young king to tears. From 334 to 323 BCE Alexanderthe Great conquered much of the known world. He led his army on a ten-year odyssey across Asia Minor and into Persia, Egypt and India. Eventually, after his defeat of Darius III, he became the self-proclaimed King of Asia. Of course, he could not have done this without the support of his loyal army and staff of skilled officers - Ptolemy, Perdiccos, and Craterus, but above all others, Hephaestion.
EARLY LIFE
The son of Amyntas, Hephaestion was raised in the Macedonian capital of Pella and according to most sources born in 356 BCE, the same year as the king. Being from an aristocratic family, as were many of the staff officers who would follow Alexander into Asia, he became a student, alongside Alexander, of the philosopher Aristotle at Mieza, a city west of Pella. His intelligence impressed the Athenian academic, and, like the king, they would correspond with each other during the long Persian campaign. Hephaestion was considered handsome by many, and Alexander's father, Philip II, regarded him an excellent influence on his son. Shortly after Philip married Cleopatra, the future king became concerned about his position as successor. A disagreement erupted between Philip and Alexander, a dispute fueled by his friends. Because of this, many of Alexander's friends were sent into exile; however, because of Philip's respect for Hephaestion, he was spared this humiliation.
ON CAMPAIGN
In 334 BCE, after regaining the loyalties of many of the Greek city-states - especially following the razing of Thebes - Alexander and his army crossed the Hellespont on the first leg of their conquest of Persia. However, before clashing with the Persian army at River Granicus, Alexander chose to visit the tomb of his hero (and supposed ancestor) Achilles at Troy (a small village at the time of Alexander). Such was his fascination with the hero, the king always slept with a copy of Homer ’s Iliad under his pillow. With him at Troy, of course, was, among others, Hephaestion who laid a wreath at the tomb of Achilles' friend Patrocles. Indeed, many saw the relationship of Alexander and Hephaestion to be akin to that of Achilles and Patrocles.Later, the two men stood side-by-side as Alexander severed the Gordian Knot. Because of this unique closeness, many officers grew extremely jealous. Oddly enough, this jealousy was not limited to the staff for Olympias, Alexander's overly-protective mother, also resented the relationship.
HEPHAESTION WAS ALEXANDER'S CLOSEST AND MOST LOYAL COMPANION THROUGHOUT THE GREAT KING'S MILITARY CAMPAIGNS.
Hephaestion's friendship with Alexander would eventually enable him to be appointed chiliarch or second-in-command.Although there is considerable disagreement among contemporary sources, many within the army did not believe Hephaestion to have the necessary leadership or military skills; in fact, some fail to mention any active participation in several of the major battles (although he was seriously wounded at Gaugamela ); however, luckily for Alexander, he demonstrated a talent for organization. Alexander would leave much of the campaign's logistics to Hephaestion - the supply and transportation of equipment, bridge building and even the establishment and planning of new settlements.
RIVALRY & SPECIAL POSITION
One officer, Craterus, grew to deeply resent Hephaestion (the feeling was mutual), and Alexander had to separate the two on more than one occasion. At one point in India they had actually drawn swords. Alexander was forced to reprimand them both, scolding Hephaestion and telling him he would be nothing without Alexander. (Historians disagree on the meaning of this statement.) It was often said that Craterus was a friend of the king, but Hephaestion was a friend of Alexander. In his Greek Lives historian Plutarch wrote,
… he (Alexander) loved Hephaestion best, but respected Craterus most, he was constantly saying that in his opinion while Hephaestion was loyal to Alexander, Craterus was loyal to the king. This helps to explain why there was bad feeling festering between the two of them, so that they often clashed.
Later, Plutarch said that the king brought the two together and made them friends again but gave each a warning - he would kill both of them if he ever found them quarrelling again. In the end, Craterus would return to Macedonia, eventually dying in 321 BCE during the Successor Wars after Alexander's death.
Map of Alexander the Great's Conquests
This intimate relationship between Hephaestion and Alexander can also be seen in an incident after the Battle of Issus and the defeat of Darius III. The Persian king ran from the field of battle and escaped capture, leaving his army to suffer a devastating rout. Unfortunately for his mother, wife, and daughters, they were left behind along with abundant riches; Darius would eventually appeal unsuccessfully for their safe return. Realizing the fate of most prisoners of war, especially women, and expecting the worse, Darius' mother, Sisygambis, feared for their safety, and as Alexander and Hephaestion entered the tent, she threw herself before the taller and more handsome Hephaestion, begging for her life. In his The Campaigns of Alexander historian Arrian related the story.
… Darius' mother, in doubt owing to the similarity of their dress, which of the two was the King, prostrated herself before Hephaestion because he was taller than his companion. Hephaestion stepped back, and one of the Queen's attendant's rectified her mistake by pointing to Alexander; the Queen withdrew in profound embarrassment, but Alexander merely remarked that her error was of no account, for Hephaestion, too, was an Alexander.
Arrian added that whether or not the incident was true, the young king should be admired for his respect and confidence in a friend - but it also speaks for the nature of Alexander's character.
NAVAL COMMAND
After Issus, Hephaestion was placed in charge of Alexander's naval reinforcements, ordered to follow the army's progress along the Mediterranean coast from Gaza to the city Pelusium on the Egyptian delta - the latter's governor surrendered both the city and its entire treasury without a fight. In another test of Alexander's confidence in Hephaestion, the king placed him in charge of replacing the old, deposed Persian ruler of the newly seized port city of Sidon with another governor. A member of the old royal family Abdalorymus was quickly found and given the governorship. Next, Hephaestion led the fleet up the NileRiver to the Egyptian capital of Memphis where he, Ptolemy, Craterus and Alexander studied Egyptian law and customs.Prior to the final battle against Darius at Gaugamela, Alexander placed Hephaestion in charge of a squadron to scout the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers and build a bridge. Wisely, he did not complete the bridge until the arrival of Alexander, fearing that the Persians would destroy it. Aside for the mention of his wound received, sources don't mention Hephaestion again until the conspiracy trial of Philotas.
LOYALTY TO ALEXANDER
Before marching into India and prior to their expedition into Bactria, there was major unrest within the army. The veterans were weary and wanted to return home to Macedonia and their families. Also, many staff officers disagreed with the king on many of his atypical decisions - his adoption of Persian customs and attire as well as his wish that they prostrate themselves before him and kiss his ring. They especially resented both the addition of Persians into the army and being asked to take Persian wives. However, unlike many others, Hephaestion always supported Alexander's decisions even with the idea of taking a Persian wife and he was given one of the daughters of Darius, Drypatis, while Alexander chose the other daughter, Barsine, as his mistress.
However, Hephaestion's loyalty to Alexander was best demonstrated during the would-be mutiny against Alexander. In 330 BCE Hephaestion, along with Craterus, spoke against Philotas, the suspected ringleader of the plot, convincing the king that he and the other conspirators should be tortured and executed - this execution also included Parmenio, Philotas' father and the long-time commander from the court of Philip. Afterwards, Alexander rewarded Hephaestion by splitting the command of the Companions between him and Cleitus.
During the campaign in India, Hephaestion led a large force through the Khyber Pass subduing any rebellious Indian tribes.Next, Perdiccos and he took half the Companions, the mercenary cavalry, the baggage train and several Indian engineers to build a bridge across the Indus (this same bridge would be used to ford the Hydaspes). When lines of communication were secured, they rejoined Alexander and prepared to cross the Indus and face King Porus - at the Hydaspes Hephaestion would be placed in command of one squadron. After the victory against Porus, Hephaestion split with Alexander reconnecting later and battling against the Mallians - it was here that Alexander was injured and near death. Finally, he could go no farther;Alexander succumbed to the wishes of his troops and decided to return northward to Babylon.
DEATH
They spent the summer and fall at Ecbatana where, after a night of heavy drinking, Hephaestion developed a high fever - Alexander would remain by his friend's side until he showed signs of recovery. Unfortunately, Hephaestion soon relapsed, and in October of 324 BCE, he died (any possibility of poisoning has been dismissed). Alexander would die himself eight months later. The king spent the next two days in tears, grieving for the death of his friend. Besides cutting off his own hair, he ordered the manes and tails of all the horses cut off as well. A state of mourning was declared, sacrifices were made, and sacred fires lit. Unfortunately, it was a sad day for Hephaestion's doctor, Glaucius, who was executed for his failure to keep his patient alive. Hephaestion's body would eventually be sent to Babylon where a giant pyre was built. Alexander sent an envoy to Siwa to request Hephaestion be declared a god, but the request was refused; he would only be honored as a divine hero. Plutarch wrote,
…he (Alexander) had the wretched doctor impaled on a stake and banned playing the pipes and all music in the camp for a considerable period of time, until he received an oracle from Ammon, telling him to worship Hephaestion as a hero and to institute sacrificial rituals in his honour.
Although some sources claim that Hephaestion and Alexander were more than just good friends, most agree that their relationship was unique and strengthened both men. Throughout his life, Hephaestion remained close to the king, serving both as a valuable advisor and friend. Whether or not he was a capable commander is irrelevant, his abilities in logistics assisted in the defeat of the Persians and their king Darius III.
The Dexileos Stele: A Study of Aristocracy and Democracy in Greek › Antique Origins
Ancient Civilizations
The Dexileos Stele assesses the way that Athenian political thought penetrated all levels of society, showing the conflict that the aristocratic classes were faced with in trying to find their place within the Athenian Democracy. As a visual document it presents an image that would have been seen and understood to those who passed it; despite being a cavalryman, a typically elite element of the military, Dexileos was still firmly a part of the Athenian demos. The stele dates to a turbulent time in Athens ' history. Having lost the Peloponnesian War, Athens was ruled by 30 Tyrants, and when Democracy was restored, the Tyrants were then harshly punished, and Athens found herself at war with Corinth (c. 394 BCE). The Dexileos Stele perfectly encapsulates the struggles and changing ideologies that were present in Athens at the time, and as a monument to the young man's death, it shows him as his family wished for him to ever be remembered.
Dexileos Stele
BASIC DETAILS
The Dexileos stele is 1.86 m high and was found in situ in the Dipylon Cemetery in 1863 CE. It was moved during WWII, and currently is in the Kerameikos Museum in Athens. A replica is in its original location. The monument is made of Pentelic Marble, a not inexpensive variety.
There are varying costs given for classical Athenian burials, ranging from 300 drachmae – 2 talents. Below are some example references from Greek primary sources:
300 dr.She demurred to committing herself to his care after her death, but as she had confidence in Antiphanes, who was no connection of hers, she gave him three minae of silver for her burial, ignoring this man, who was her own son. Obviously, of course, she was convinced that he would not perform the last duties even on the ground of his relationship. (Lysias 31.21)1000 dr.I also borrowed another thousand drachmae from Lysistratus of Thoricus for my father's funeral, and have personally paid the debt. ( Demosthenes 40.52)Moreover, in case my own mother should die, no more than ten minas would be required for the building of her tomb. ( Plato, Letters, 13.361e)2500 or 3000 dr.Having stated that the tomb cost 50 minae [5000 drachmae], he undertook to pay half of this himself, and charge the other half to the children's estate: but this latter half covered the actual cost. (Lysias 32.21)2 talents... her to whom this god-detested fellow built the monument near that of his mistress at a cost of more than two talents. And he did not see that a structure, being of that sort, would be a monument, not of her tomb, but of the wrong which because of him she had done to her husband. (Demosthenese 45.79)
We are able to accurately date not only the monument itself, but also the age at which Dexileos died, because this monument is a rare example of when the date of birth of the deceased is given as well as the date of death. Dexileos was born in Teisander's Archonship (414 BCE) and died in Euboulides' (394 BCE), making him around 20 years old when he died. The whole of the epigram reads:
DEXILEOS, SON OF LYSANIOS OF THORIKOSBORN IN THE YEAR OF TEISANDROSDIED IN THE YEAR OF EUBOULIDES IN CORINTHONE OF THE FIVE CAVALRYMEN
However, what is even more intriguing is the inscription “one of five cavalrymen”, the only example of such a phrase in all extant classical Attic grave stelai. The fact that it is unique makes interpreting this line particularly challenging; the most likely meaning of the line can be found in Xen. Hipparchus 8.23-5:
If, moreover, he can secretly leave behind him four or five of the best horses and men in each division, they will be at a great advantage in falling on the enemy as he is turning to renew the charge.
We can even postulate the historical background in which Dexileos' actually died; the beginning of the 2nd Campaign in the Corinthian War. In fact, thanks to Xenophon and Diodorus Siculus we can be even more specific: It is likely that Dexileos died either at the Battle of the Nemea River (being close to Corinth) or in a skirmish before or after the battle proper (Xen. Hell. 4.2.9-23 & 4.3.1; Dio.Sic. 14.83).
THE FIGURES
At left:
- Dexileos, aged 20, his youthfulness displayed by his beardlessness and by his clothing, the chit on, chlamys, and petasos (which despite being missing was almost certainly present as a metal attachment), which would later become the standard garb of the Athenian ephebe on tour.
- His footwear is missing but would probably have been similar to those seen in comparable stele; krepides, the kind of boot described by Xen. De Re Equestr. 12. I0: "But the rider's shins and feet will of course be outside the thigh-pieces. These too can be guarded if boots made of shoe-leather are worn: there will thus be armour for the shins and covering for the feet at the same time."
- The weapons, reins, and petasos are missing, leaving behind their stains and holes. Any polychromy is also missing, but might have helped to provide attributable features. Being a cavalryman, he is mounted on a stallion, which is shrunk so as to fit the scene. The horse rears up.
At right:
- A fallen Hellenic foe (presumably a Corinthian given the context of the epigram), still in his youth, raises his right arm to shield himself, unable to wield the shield that he bears. He is naked in contrast to Dexileos' 'uniform' and is trapped underneath Dexileos' stallion.
Dexileos' right arm is raised, his spear bears down on his foe (there being a bored hole on the enemy's neck; the nature of the position of the horse would make it physically impossible for him to actually be speared by the rider). The lines between the figures are primarily linear and parallel, a rigidity which is also born out in the unemotional glance of Dexileos. Stylistically this kind of scene (horseman rearing over fallen foe) can be traced back to scenes on the Parthenon Amazonomachy; despite this it is still referred to as the 'Dexileos Motif'.
Dexileos Stele (detail)
ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
The scene is framed by a pediment with acroteria, which cannot be to protect the relief, since elements extrude past it. Neither can it be to depict an inside scene. We can,, therefore, draw out its religious connotations with regards to the naiskos, the sanctuary, and the hero cult (pedimental architecture never occurred in Greek domestic settings).
However, despite being brilliantly preserved, there are elements of this monument which haven't survived, such as metal arms and details, as well as the polychromy, which would almost certainly have painted a scene on the pediment.
CONTEXT
Whilst this monument is ostentatiously aristocratic, depicting the young Dexileos as a cavalryman, it does so without being intrinsically anti-democratic. The epigram is rare in that it gives the year of his birth, hence making it clear that Dexileos was too young to have been a part of the anti-democratic tyrannies at the end of the 5th century BCE. As well as doing this, it makes clear that Dexileos would still have been an ephebe, in the process of becoming a democratic citizen. Further, saying that Dexileos' father Lysanios came from the trittys Thorikos helped to place Dexileos within another democratic context. The inclusion of a vase at the cemetery plot that depicted the Tyrannicides is telling, too, being an overtly democratic image.
The monument, however, is one of three which commemorate Dexileos in one way or another. The first monument is the Polyandron, which was set up in honour of all of Athens' soldiers who died in a particular year (in this case 395/4 BCE). As part of this ritual honouring of those who died for the city, their ashes were burned and placed together in the Demosion Sema; in death all were equal - ashes of rich cavalrymen were mixed with the less affluent foot soldiers. This mixing of individuals to form a complete democracy can be seen in the imagery of the Polyandron for 395/4 BCE, where a cavalryman and hoplite are united in their killing of a foe. The second monument is that which was set up for the cavalrymen that fell; a total of eleven are listed. Whilst this monument separates the aristocratic order from the democracy as a whole, it shows that those who survived wanted their sacrifice to the democracy to be remembered. This is a key element: the cavalry wishing to be seen as part of the democracy, rather than separate from it. In particular this would be due to the tryannies in Athens at the end of the 5th century BCE, which so many of the cavalry classes were involved in, after which those who had survived exile or worse after democracy was restored, wished to distance themselves from what had gone on before them. Bearing this in mind, it is important to note that Dexileos' year of birth was given, showing him to be ten during the reign of the 30 Tyrants, too young to have taken part in any anti-democratic actions.
What else this date reveals is that Dexileos was also an ephebe at the time of his death. Becoming an ephebe was the Athenian 'rite of passage', which resulted in a young Athenian becoming a full, adult Athenian citizen. It involved three years' military service, the last two on patrol. This epigraphic detail is supported by the clothes that Dexileos wears, the chlamyscloak, bellowing out behind him:
Their service on patrol goes on for two years; the uniform is a chlamys.
( Aristotle, Athenian Constituition 42)
Bearing this in mind we can postulate that Dexileos, where there is a hole for a metal attachment on his head, would have worn the petasos, the wide-brimmed hat worn by travellers and what would iconographically become part of the ephebic uniform from the middle of the 4th century BCE. In support of this is NMA, 3708, a base with two carved reliefs almost identical iconographically to Dexileos, where the rearing cavalryman can be clearly seen wearing a petasos. If this supposition as to Dexileos' headwear is correct, it further helps to identify him as an ephebe, a youth within and part of Athens' democratic system, helping to place his death within the context of a democratic sacrifice.
However, we cannot ignore the written evidence. There are two clear-cut ideologies behind dying in battle that were put forward in classical Athens. During the Peloponnesian War, Pericles ' funeral speech places the death of Athenian citizens within the broader context of Athenian democracy, rather than as a personal sacrifice in order to gain honour, as might be seen by Lysias' later Funeral Oration 79-80, which praises instead the glory and heroism that the individual gains from such an action:
Of their nature it comes that they are mourned as mortal, of their valour that they are lauded as immortal. Thus you see them given a public funeral, and contests of strength and knowledge and wealth held at their tomb;because we think that those who have fallen in war are worthy of receiving the same honours as the immortals.
Being closer in date to Lysias, it is surprising therefore that this stele isn't more individualistic, considering changing tendencies that were occurring in funeral stelai at the turn of the century when familial scenes increased, but also considering that this is the third monument that commemorates Dexileos, and was set up by his family. He is, admittedly, more of an individual here than on the state and cavalry monuments that were set up, but what this stele wishes to show is how he conforms to an idealised standard of citizenry (and in the process show him victorious in battle, a praise-worthy deed - a halfway house between the ideologies exposed by Pericles and Lysias). It is telling that despite not being a full citizen of the Athenian democracy, these attributes can still be given to him, suggesting the importance that was given at this time for aristocratic inclusion within Athens' democracy.
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