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- Viking Warfare › Antique Origins
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Viking Warfare › Antique Origins
Definition and Origins
Viking warfare, along with its key component of raiding, is inextricably connected with the expansion of Scandinavian influence along the North Atlantic and into the Mediterranean in the Viking Age (c. 790-1100 CE), where the Vikings ' heavy use of ships, good strategic mobility and strong grasp on logistics ensured they could cause havoc abroad for years at a time.It was these factors that distinguish Viking warfare from that of their contemporaries; despite public imagination (and television) often picturing savage berserk-warriors frothing at the mouth and committing unspeakable brutalities to their unlucky targets, Viking warriors were probably no more brutal than their peers.
Scandinavian society at the time was not made up of unified kingdoms as we know them today; these only crystallised into those forms towards the end of the Viking Age. Despite the word 'Viking' (Old Norse víkingr ) now often being used as an umbrella term, the original meaning of the term is specifically 'raider' or 'pirate', and fara i víking ('to go on expedition') related not to harmless adventures but to armed raids of warriors who unleashed their swords and axes upon profitable objectives abroad. The lion's share of these raids was undertaken by individual warbands that might team up when needed and whose leadership ranged from small, local chieftains to earls and kings. The Vikings' characteristic hit-and-run tactics were bolstered by the establishment of overwintering bases, from which campaigns could be launched and more land could be conquered, leading to the establishment of several full-fledged Viking territories far from the Scandinavian heartlands.
WEAPONS & ARMOUR
With regard to weaponry and armour, we are heavily reliant on the archaeological record as there is not much in the way of technical descriptions to be found in the sources. The Vikings used the following weapons and armour:
- swords (both single- and double-edged)
- axes
- daggers (or a short-sword/ sax / seax as common among Germanic peoples around this time)
- spears
- bows and arrows
- shields
- helmets
- mail shirts.
With Viking warbands hailing from all sorts of different regions across Scandinavia, there are general trends but obviously loads of regional variation and nothing like a standard outfit.
AXES, A TYPICALLY VIKING WEAPON, WERE VERY POPULAR & UNLIKE SWORDS, AXES MAY HAVE BEEN USED THROUGHOUT VIKING SOCIETY.
Viking swords were made of iron, intended to be held in one hand, with broad grooves along the centre ('fullers') cutting down their weight a bit. Double-edged swords coming in at around 90 cm in length seem to have been the preferred standard. They could be beautifully decorated with geometric patterns, motifs of animals or, in the Late Viking Age, even Christian symbols, in silver and/or copper inlay. A wooden scabbard finished off the set. Because swords were the most pricey weapons around at the time they were not in every warrior's financial reach; their owners would have made a bit of a statement.
Axes, a typically Viking weapon, were very popular, too. They were known mostly from finds of numerous axe-heads that appeared not only in richer graves alongside other weapons but also as the sole weapon in more austere burials, indicating that, unlike swords, axes may have been used across a broader economic spectrum. A short-sword or dagger, also called saxor seax following the Saxon example, could get its owner out of a pinch in close-quarter combat or as a backup weapon. Other Viking weapons include heavy trusting spears or lances crafted from iron and sporting leaf-shaped blades, their shafts most likely up to 2 meters long, and bows and arrows. Interestingly, the literature also alludes to the possible use by Scandinavians of some sort of siege engines, although their wooden remains would have long since turned to dust and we can but guess at their precise design and use.
Viking Age Helmet
Shields were part of the standard kit; laws even stated ship's crewmembers were all required to carry shields. Made of wood and circular in shape, they were probably covered by leather, too, and came in a variety of distinguishing colours. Chain-mail shirts are known but rare - possibly too expensive to be worn by just any fighter - and although leather may have been used instead, it is hard to tell exactly how common leather armour was. Helmets were worn but, contrary to popular depiction, were not horned, as the Vikings did not much fancy getting caught in their opponents' beards or suffering other impractical consequences. The few helmets that have survived show a simple iron design of a conical cap with eye-guards and perhaps a nose-guard and probably a mail sheet dangling off the back to protect the owner's neck. It is probable that similarly structured leather helmets were also (perhaps more commonly) in use.
RAIDS
As the 8th century CE drew to a close, the first reports of Viking raids trickled in, such as that on the monastery at Lindisfarne off the coast of Northumberland in what is now England in 793 CE or those on the island of Rathlin and Iona near mainland Ireland in 795 CE. These early raids were undertaken on a small scale, seemingly by local groups gathered by local leaders, and focused on vulnerable, exposed targets such as these coastal monasteries or trading centres, not normally heading far inland. Characteristic is the Vikings' hit-and-run strategy, in which they moored their ships on the doorstep of whatever they were attacking, rounded up valuables and the occasional slave, and sailed or rowed off into the distance before any effective defence could be mounted against them.
VIKING SHIPS WERE A KEY ELEMENT OF VIKING WARFARE, BECAUSE THEY WERE EXTREMELY FAST & LIGHT, FACILITATING QUICK COASTAL STRIKES & ALLOWING THEM TO HEAD UP RIVERS & PENETRATE INLAND.
Viking ships were a key element of Viking warfare, not in a sea- battle sort of sense, but because they were extremely fast and light, not only facilitating quick coastal strikes but also allowing them to head up rivers and penetrate inland. This came in use as, by the 830s CE, a general increase in both the size and the frequency of Viking raids is independently reported for Britain, Ireland, as well as western Europe (in particular in Frankish territories). Ramping up the number of ships in their fleets from the earlier handfuls to hundreds, the Vikings now began attacking targets further inland, such as their hits in 834-836 CE on the major trading centre of Dorestad some 80 km from the open sea in what is now the Netherlands. Named kings or earls from the upper levels of Scandinavian society – reflecting personal status at home, but not necessarily rulership of large territories - now crop up as leaders, too, besides the lesser chieftains who would also have remained in the limelight. As Gareth Williams explains:
Occasionally, with the 'great' warbands of the late ninth century we see several kings or earls jointly leading their forces, again implying a merging of smaller independent forces. This apparent lack of formal structure makes their achievements in long-term campaigning and strategic and logistical planning even more impressive. (199)
First in Ireland and then also in England, the Vikings also began to overwinter in hostile territories, taking over or setting up bases. A side effect, however, was that this of course drastically reduced their much-prized mobility, and in Ireland, for instance, this led to them suffering a bunch of defeats. It must be noted, however, that the same pattern – an increase from small-scale to large-scale raiding accompanied by overwintering - did not apply to all Viking-conquered territories. Danish chieftains settled in Frisia early on in the 9th century CE and dealt with the area's Frankish overlordship by juggling political relations with the Franks, and Norse Scotland was extensively settled early on, probably from the start of the 9th century CE.
Viking Attack
COMBAT & TACTICS
Like the rest of early medieval warfare in western Europe, Viking warfare could not simply ignore the encumbering effects of winter on campaigning and logistics. As such, it was generally a seasonal affair, with a built-in winter holiday initially back home in Scandinavia but increasingly in overwintering bases and settlements once they popped up in Viking-held territories abroad. From such settlements the Vikings could participate in local politics, tactfully choosing sides, reaching agreements with their enemies, securing the payment of tribute, and launching new campaigns.
Even when it comes to inland battles, the Vikings' beloved ships remained crucial wherever they could be put to use. The ships had a shallow enough draught to paddle up the larger rivers, carrying anything from men to supplies and loot, meaning that whenever the Vikings campaigned near areas their ships could reach they had no need for annoyingly slow overland baggage trains.
Things get hazier, however, regarding the actual specifics of Viking combat in battles:
We know little of specific battle tactics. Those references that we do have suggest that the shield- wall was the most common tactical formation. Archery was probably also used to break up the shield-wall, as it was not an ideal position in which to receive arrows (it provided a large target, with little manoeuvrability), and the longbows known to have existed in this period would have penetrated shields and armour, though not necessarily deeply.(Williams, 28).
Horses, although used for their mobility, were probably dismounted for battle. Battle standards were carried near the leader or leaders, probably to indicate status. Some of these standards depicted ravens, such as the one used by Harald Hardrada at Stamford Bridge (1066 CE) against the Anglo- Saxons. Although shouting matches may have sufficed regarding communication in smaller skirmishes, one can of course only shout so loudly; animal horns may also have been used to bellow out signals and pick up the slack. For conveying more articulate orders and information, it is likely messengers would have zoomed across the battlefield at high speed.
Viking Longship Replica
One Viking force where such communicative measures would have been invaluable is that of the Danish 'great army' that razed havoc across England from 865 CE on, campaigning for years and bringing the kingdoms of East Anglia and Northumbria as well as most of Mercia to their knees. Even Wessex, under its leader King Alfred (r. 871-99 CE), struggled to resist the Viking forces but eventually won a decisive victory. The Vikings' great army disbanded c. 880 CE, its warbands seemingly jumping to take advantage of a succession struggle in the Kingdom of the Franks where they were active between 879-891 CE. Flexibility and keen opportunism were key.
ORGANISATION
A large army would have been composed of several warbands, although we only know little about the precise organisation or command structure. Local kings, earls, and chieftains may all have led individual portions of the army, holding specific command roles and probably following some sort of hierarchic order. At the Battle of Ashdown (871 CE) where King Alfred beat the great Danish army, one of the Danish wings was led by two kings while the other was captained by 'many jarls' (Williams, 19), for example. As the Scandinavian kingdoms began to take on more unified shapes, bigwig kings such as the Danish King Sweyn Forkbeard (r. 986-1014 CE) were probably responsible for a more tightly-knit hierarchy, in which they themselves commanded the crews of several ships, supplemented by their main chieftains' personal forces. The total numbers of warriors then easily reached into the thousands.
Connections between the various kinds of leaders, and between them and their crews, could have taken the shape of kinship or personal ties, social ties, or could be loot- or tribute-driven. There probably was no such thing as a systematic levy for Viking fleets. Although the term leiðangr indicated a force directly under control of the king (and in this capacity it may have sporadically been used during the Viking Age), the specific levy connection is only known from sources dating to the mid-12th century CE and beyond. Instead, Viking Age ventures were likely mainly private affairs.
Harold Hardrada, Battle of Fulford
It has been argued that the units in battle could have had their origins in the crews of ships, which sounds logical enough considering the Vikings' heavy reliance on ships and the sense of companionship that would have grown from helping each other deal with the occasional seasickness. As for the raiders and warriors themselves, they were generally young men – as per both the sagas and the skeletal remains that have been found. None of these as of yet definitively prove the existence of female Viking warriors. One can imagine more experienced warriors being invaluable, too, though, bringing some stability and knowledge with them. Indeed, accounts detailing the Vikings' years-long campaigns in the late 9th century CE paint a picture of adolescents or young adults joining up and remaining active into their thirties and even beyond. Interestingly, evidence has shown that troops may also have been partially drawn from areas outside of Scandinavia; a southern Baltic connection is attested to with regard to garrisons in Denmark, and even the Scandinavian forces active in England in the 10th century CE were a mishmash rather than reflecting any kind of 'national' army.
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES
Despite it appearing as such, Viking warfare is actually not such a huge anomaly on the early medieval European landscape.Besides the fact that technologically the playfield was fairly level, raiding with the objective of plunder was hardly an exclusively Viking affair; in fact, it was even typical of pre-Viking Ireland and Britain and was widespread throughout medieval Europe in general. Tribute-taking also occurred outside Viking spheres, even being central to relations between kings in early medieval Britain.
ALTHOUGH THEY WERE BRUTAL BY MODERN STANDARDS, THE VIKINGS WERE HARDLY OUT OF PLACE IN EARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE WHOSE OTHER INHABITANTS NEEDED ABSOLUTELY NO TIPS FROM THEM.
Ships were also used by both the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks, however, both the Vikings' specific naval technology – building faster, seaworthy ships with shallow draughts, perfect for lightning-strike hits and also cargo-types – and the way they put their ships to use in their archetypal hit-and-run raids is a highly distinguishing factor. Other key elements that tie in with this are a strong focus on strategic mobility – ships supplemented by the use of horses on land; good logistic awareness and capabilities allowing for good supplying on campaign; good military intelligence and a nose for picking vulnerable targets, as well as responding quickly to changing situations; and their fluid structure of individual warbands led by private leaders.Perhaps most importantly, though, overwintering stands out. The bases built or taken over in this context became supreme rallying points from which to spread out across the surrounding area.
For those looking to withstand this combination, direct battle against the Vikings was usually more of a band-aid, as was the payment of tribute that could buy peace for a while. Gareth Williams explains that "it was only when the twin issues of mobility and supply were tackled that the Viking raids could successfully be contained" (198). Fortified bridges were used by Charles the Bald, King of West Francia (r. 843–877 CE) to block the Vikings' access to the rivers and also by Alfred the Great of Wessex (r. 871-899 CE), whose simultaneous ship-led coastal defence and building of fortified towns ( burhs ) across Wessex eventually halted the Vikings there.
Viking Age Swords
A LASTING REPUTATION
It is true that during the Viking Age, Scandinavians greatly extended their influence from the North Atlantic to the Mediterranean and even as far as Constantinople, aided by their swords and ships. Both the tendency within the contemporary accounts and, for a large part, their present-day image (especially in popular culture) leads one to believe that during this time the European seas and rivers were positively teeming with Viking-shaped pirates. Viking warriors are often depicted as savage and brutal and, importantly, heathen, showing no quarter to their unfortunate prey and being disproportionally successful on the battlefield. However, this characterisation is not only pulled out of context but also exaggerated or even wrong.
Contemporary accounts were often penned by monks – indeed, people in the first line of fire when it comes to Viking raids plundering monasteries and the likes – or by other targets. It is thus hardly surprising they did not sing the Vikings' praises.They were outraged at the fact that these heathens attacked churches and slew churchmen, even though we know Christian rulers sometimes attacked churches, too. Especially in the early raiding years, moreover, Viking raids were only sporadic affairs and hardly brought local institutions tumbling down, and others also raided. Furthermore, although they were brutal by modern standards, the Vikings were hardly out of place in early medieval Europe whose other inhabitants needed absolutely no tips from the Vikings.
Moreover, the Vikings' successes on the battlefield, as Gareth Williams words it, "owe less to the wild warriors of romantic imagination, and more to careful strategies and logistical planning, a skilful combination of warfare and diplomacy, and good underlying organization" (74). The famous berserks who appear in Old Norse literature, set apart by their 'berserk-fury' in which they roar, bite their shields, and are invulnerable, are more so literary figures. They may have been based on a cult of masked warriors that existed in Germanic antiquity and are often connected to Odin but should not be imagined in Viking armies in too literal a sense. That Viking warriors were effective and recognised as such, however, is reflected in them serving the Byzantine Emperor in the elite corps known as the Varangian Guard.
The Household Staff in an English Medieval Castle › Antique Origins
Ancient Civilizations
An English medieval castle, if a large one, could have a household staff of at least 50 people, which included all manner of specialised and skilled workers such as cooks, grooms, carpenters, masons, falconers, and musicians, as well as a compliment of knights, bowmen, and crossbow operators. Most staff were paid by the day, and job security was often precarious, especially for the lowest servants who were dismissed when a castle lord travelled away from the castle. More skilled workers such as the castle chaplain, the steward or general manager, and the marshal, who supervised the men-at-arms and stables, were paid by the year and might receive money and land in return for loyal service. A microcosm of the medieval world, the household staff worked as a team to meet the castle's often extensive needs of nourishment, defence, and entertainment.
Medieval Noble Taking His Bath
KNIGHTS & SOLDIERS
The staff of a castle may be divided into two broad groups: men-at-arms and domestic servants. The former, sometimes known as the mesnie personnel, were led by the marshal and made responsible for the castle's defence. They might also take part in attacks outside the castle grounds, perform bodyguard duties for the local lord and generally patrol the lord's lands as a reminder of the necessity for peasants to comply with regulations, calls for taxes, pay fines and so on.
The knights of a castle might be permanently stationed there, and so their pay was met by the castle's lord. Another possibility was that local barons had to supply knights to a particular castle for a fixed term of service, especially those important for national defence like Dover Castle. Then there were soldiers who were trained to use the longbow and crossbows such as the ballista which might be mounted in the castle towers. Other men-at-arms acted as guards for the gate and as watchmen.Squires or trainee knights would have learnt their business at the castle, which might have a training area for jousting and swordsmanship.
WELL-PAID & SOMETIMES GIVEN HIS OWN PROPERTY NEAR THE CASTLE, THE STEWARD KEPT A CLOSE RECORD OF THE ESTATE ACCOUNTS.
THE STEWARD
The lady of the castle was in charge of its daily management and supplies, but naturally, the mundane task of procurement, logistics, and staff management was usually in the hands of the castle steward or seneschal. The domestic staff of a large castle could easily exceed 50 people, so the role was not an easy one. The steward was also responsible for all financial and legal matters concerning the castle's estates. Such was the importance of the role and the weight of a steward's duties that by the 13th century CE a large castle might have two of them, one for the internal affairs of the castle and one for its estates. The latter steward was usually a knight, and he oversaw the local court ( hallmote or halimote ) which ensured that the law was applied in all local cases except serious crimes such as murder. The steward did not act as judge, a role fulfilled by a jury or body of suitors (local men of rank), but his presence gave weight to the final decision.
The steward supervised any inner advisory circle of nobles the lord might have and sometimes represented the lord further afield such as at the royal court. If a lord were absent from his castle for any length of time such as during a war, the steward might take charge of the castle entirely. In the case of royal castles where the king was not, and could not be, present at all times, then a constable, who might also be the local sheriff, ran the castle in the sovereign's name.
Thomas Howard, Lord High Steward
As the steward represented the lord of the castle, then, it is perhaps not surprising that he looked the part and often wore fine robes with fur trim. Well-paid and sometimes given his own property near the castle, the steward kept a close record of the estate accounts and the regular income from tenants, taxes and fines paid to the castle's law courts.
The aristocracy of medieval England read handbooks on anything from table manners to falconry, and so there were, too, helpful guides on how to choose and manage one's castle staff, including the steward. The following extract is from one such manual titled Stewardship ( Seneschaucie ):
The seneschal of lands ought to be prudent and faithful and profitable, and he ought to know the law of the realm, to protect his lord's business and to instruct and give assurance to the bailiffs who are beneath him in their difficulties. He ought two or three times a year to make his rounds and visit the manors of his stewardship, and then he ought to inquire about the rents, services and customs…and about franchises of courts, lands, woods, meadows, pastures, waters, mills, and other things which belong to the manor… (Gies, 97-8)
Such were the demands of the steward's job that by the 13th century CE there were even training colleges for them such as the one at Oxford. There, following a course of 6 to 12 months, they could acquire the necessary skills in accounting, letter writing, and knowledge of the law.
THE MARSHAL
A castle always had stables as horses were essential for the knights, communication via messengers, hunting parties, and any general travel needs. Carts with two or four wheels were needed to transport supplies to and from the castle and came under the jurisdiction of the marshal who was in overall charge of the stables as well as the fighting force garrisoned at the castle if there was one. To assist the marshal in his duties of keeping track of everything, there would have been a number of clerks.Here, too in the courtyard buildings, was the blacksmith and carpenter who could repair the carts and anything else in the castle. The blacksmith made such necessities as horseshoes and sharpened knives, sheers and other agricultural tools, while the carpenter might be called on to make furniture and erect small buildings inside the castle. There might also be a master mason for repairs to the castle's stonework.
Medieval Falconry
The grooms of a castle swept out the stables and had to look after not only the castles own horses but also those of guests and their retainers, who could be frequent and numerous. Ranked between the level of the grooms and the men-at-arms were the messengers who delivered letters, receipts, and goods across the castle's estates and beyond. Although a messenger received certain perks like special robes and a free pair of shoes each year, there were also hazards such as being made to eat the letter, seals and all, they had delivered to a displeased recipient and even being beaten and imprisoned.
As hunting and falconry were hugely popular pastimes a castle might maintain its own pack of hunting dogs and a number of falcons. Huntsmen, falconers, and dog-handlers looked after these animals whose training could take years. A huntsman, very often a knight such was the prestige of the job, tracked the prey during a hunt and supervised such personnel as beaters, dog-handlers, and archers to ensure the lord and his associates had an easy target for their lance or bow and no mishaps occurred.
ANOTHER MEMBER OF THE CHAPLAIN'S STAFF WAS THE ALMONER WHO GAVE OUT DAILY ALMS TO THE POOR, PARTICULARLY DINNER LEFTOVERS.
THE CHAPLAIN
Most castles had their own chapel and a permanent chaplain for the private use of the lord and his family. In a large castle, the chaplain was known as the chancellor. He presided over daily religious services but, thanks to his education in Latin or French, had other important duties besides ecclesiastical matters such as writing the business and personal correspondence of the castle's lord and using his seal. The chaplain had his own clerks which made up the castle's secretarial department, and he frequently travelled when the lord did, taking with him a portable altar. Another member of the chaplain's staff was the almoner who gave out daily alms to the poor, particularly dinner leftovers and any unwanted clothes. Finally, the chaplain was usually responsible for the education of the noble children in the castle.
CHAMBERLAINS, LAUNDRESSES & PERSONAL ATTENDANTS
A chamberlain looked after the lord's own chamber and the wardrobes of the castle, including the liveries of the knights which usually carried the lord's coat of arms or badge. Some castles had a separate person, the keeper of the wardrobe, in charge of clothing, which was usually kept in wooden chests. The chamberlain might also be responsible for the Great Hall while the usher controlled who came in and out of it. The chamberlain's primary concern was the lord himself, though, and his general comfort. Once again, manuals were written for this important post with the following extract advising on the proper way to put his lordship to bed:
Take off his robe and bring him a mantle to keep him from cold, then bring him to the fire, and take off his shoes and his hose…then comb his head, then spread down his bed, lay the head sheet and the pillows, and when your sovereign is in bed, draw the curtains…Then drive out dog or cat, and see that there be basin and urinal set near your sovereign, then take your leave mannerly that your sovereign may take his rest merrily. (Gies, 123-4)
A castle had a laundress and her team of underlings who were responsible for ensuring all clothes, sheets, towels, and tablecloths were as clean as they should be. These items were washed in a wooden trough containing wood ashes and caustic soda and pounded. Extra duties might include washing the lady of the castle's hair.
There were chambermaids to tidy up and make rooms ready, prepare the fires, and empty the chamberpots, and in larger castles, a resident barber, doctor, and dentist. Most domestic servants would have slept in shared chambers in either the cellars or attics of the castle buildings. There might also be simple buildings outside the castle for herdsmen, mill workers, wood-cutters, and craftspeople such as rope-makers, candle-makers, potters, basket-weavers, and spinners. These people would have worked and lived in such external buildings and withdrawn to the castle only if it came under attack.
Medieval Cooking Scene
THE KITCHENS
The cook was in charge of the kitchens and food preparation in the castle and was assisted by a team of undercooks, servers, and cupbearers. Youngsters would have had the menial tasks of washing, fetching and carrying, and turning the meat on a spit while it roasted, the 'spit-boys'. There was also the butler and his alcoholic drinks store in the buttery, the pantler in charge of the pantry with its supply of bread, the baker, and all kinds of specialists depending on the size of the castle such as a sauce chef, a dessert chef, a wafer maker, a brewer, a slaughterer, a poulterer, and a fruiterer. There were even members of staff responsible for specific aspects of the medieval dining experience like the tablecloths, the candles, and the silver dining service.
ENTERTAINERS
There were many kinds of professional entertainers in medieval England such as troubadours, actors, acrobats, and jesters, who toured and sought their living where they could. Minstrels ( jongleurs ), on the other hand, were in the permanent employ of the castle. They sang and played the lute, recorder, shawm (an early version of the oboe), vielle (an early violin), and percussion instruments such as drums and bells. They performed chanson de gestes and chansons d'amour, epic poems in Old French which told familiar stories of knightly daring deeds and impossible romances respectively.
HONORARY DOMESTIC ROLES
Many domestic roles inside a castle changed over time, of course, and some senior ones became an entirely honorary title with little practical connection to their original function. In the royal court, the position of steward, chancellor (chaplain), chamberlain and marshal all acquired much wider significance and were positions of real power. The chamberlain had control of the royal purse and the marshal was put in charge of the army. Even simple tasks at court such as arranging a banquet or bearing the king's cup at dinner became a great privilege and sign of rank, sometimes even a hereditary one.
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