Ambiorix › Leisure in an English Medieval Castle » Ancient origins
Articles and Definitions › Contents
- Ambiorix › Who Was
- Leisure in an English Medieval Castle › Antique Origins
Ancient civilizations › Historical and archaeological sites
Ambiorix › Who Was
Definition and Origins
Ambiorix (c. 54/53 BCE) was the co-ruler of the Eburone tribe of Gallia Belgica (north-eastern Gaul, modern-day Belgium) who led an insurrection against Caesar ’s occupying forces in Gaul in the winter of 54/53 BCE. Nothing is known of his youth or rise to power; he enters and leaves history in the pages of Caesar's Gallic Wars which later historians then drew on for their own accounts of the uprising. Even his name is unknown as “Ambiorix” is a title meaning “Rich King” or an epithet meaning “King in All Directions”. However he came by that title, he actually shared the Eburone kingship with an elder leader named Cativolcus who seems to have been pressured into supporting Ambiorix's revolt and later regretted the decision. Ambiorix gained lasting fame for his clever deceit of the Roman garrison in Gaul under the command of Quintus Titurius Sabinus (died 54/53 CE) and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta (died 54/53 CE) and the subsequent ambush which destroyed a Roman legion.
CAESAR'S GAUL
The Eburone Uprising was a complete surprise to the Roman forces as they believed they were on good terms with the tribe as a whole and with Ambiorix in particular. The Eburones were among the weaker tribes in the region and had become a client of the larger and stronger Aduatuci tribe to whom they paid tribute and surrendered hostages.
After Caesar defeated the Nervii and their allies at the Battle of the Sabis River c. 57 BCE, he reformed the tribal systems in Gaul, allegedly in the interests of equality and peace, but the reformation served his own purposes in decreasing the power and prestige of any one tribe. The Eburones profited from this as they were freed from their obligations to the Aduatuci, and Ambiorix personally benefited as hostages from his family were set free. The Romans, therefore, felt secure in their relationship with the tribe even though it was understood that they were still an occupying military force in the Eburones' land.
THE UPRISING
Another tribe in the region, the Treverians, resented the Roman occupation, and what little patience they had was lost when word was sent out by the Romans that all tribes would surrender a portion of their food supplies to the garrisons closest to them. A drought had made resources scarce enough for the tribes themselves, and the large Roman force wintering in the country made the situation more difficult.
THE TREVERIAN CHIEF, INDUTIOMARUS, SUGGESTED THAT AMBIORIX SHOULD LEAD HIS PEOPLE IN AN UPRISING TO BREAK THE ROMAN OCCUPATION.
The Treverian chief, Indutiomarus, suggested that Ambiorix should lead his people in an uprising to break the occupation. It is unknown how he convinced the Eburone king to take this on, but it is clear that Indutiomarus had no intention of engaging the Romans himself until he saw whether Ambiorix could succeed. It is also unknown how Cativolcus felt about the uprising at this point or how he was convinced to commit his half of the Eburones to the uprising, but in the winter of 54/53 BCE, the two kings led an attack on the Roman cantonment under the command of Sabinus and Cotta and the uprising had begun.
The Romans had built their fort with their typical efficiency, however, and the Eburones could not take it. Ambiorix understood that he would have to resort to a different tactic if he hoped to defeat his enemies and recognized how he could trick them into leaving their defenses behind.
THE TRAP IS LAID
Ambiorix appeared at the gates of the Roman camp asking to parley. He assured the Roman commanders that he, personally, meant them only the best and was aware of the debt he owed Caesar for his kindness, but he had been compelled to attack by his countrymen who exerted tremendous power over his tribe. If it had been up to him, he said, he would never have thought of attacking Rome but, the way his position was, his people had as much power over him as he did over his people. The Gauls had set a date for a general uprising throughout the country, and he could not stand against their wishes and so had been forced to mount his assault on the camp but he meant them well and had come to warn them that a large force of Germans had been hired by the Gauls and was, even now, crossing the Rhine, so it would be in the Romans' best interest to leave their present fort – which could not hold against so large a force – and join their comrades at one of the other positions. He concluded his speech by promising them safe passage through his lands.
Map of Gaul
A war council was called in the camp after Ambiorix had left to choose the best course of action. Many argued that it was foolish to take the advice of an enemy who had just led an attack on them, but Ambiorix's apology seemed sincere. The Romans, as noted, thought of the Eburones as a friendly tribe but, further, they were also among the smaller and weaker, and it seemed irrational that they would choose to make war on Rome when they had no chance of success.
Ambiorix had promised them safe passage, and they would only have to march north 50 miles to reach the cantonment under the command of Quintus Tullius Cicero (102-43 BCE, the younger brother of the famous writer) or another commanded by Titus Labienus (c. 100-45 BCE), who had a larger force and was known as a brilliant cavalry commander. Either of these forts, they reasoned, was a better choice than remaining where they were and waiting for the Germans to reinforce the Gallic army.
THE BATTLE
While the Romans debated what to do, Ambiorix was carefully preparing an ambush along the path he knew his enemies would have to take. He placed his warriors on either side of a ravine, two miles north of the cantonment. The Romans, meanwhile, had left their fort at dawn and were on the march just as Ambiorix had planned. He waited until half the legion had passed by his position and then gave the signal to attack.
Gallic Wars
AMBIORIX RALLIES THE TRIBES
Ambiorix stripped the dead of their weapons and armor and ordered his troops quickly to march to the lands of the Aduatuci, where he told their chieftains of his great victory over the Romans and showed the weapons he had taken as proof. The Aduatuci joined the uprising, and then the Nervii did the same. Messengers were sent to other tribes with the news of the Roman defeat and more joined the cause. Ambiorix's force had now more than doubled, and he was confident they could easily take Cicero's camp.
Labienus had not sent any warning to Cicero about the uprising, perhaps because Ambiorix simply moved so quickly, and so Cicero's cantonment was caught by surprise when the Gallic forces came rushing out the tree line around the fort. Those outside the walls were killed instantly, but the gates were swiftly shut and secured and a defense mounted. Just as before, Ambiorix could not break through the walls and suffered heavy casualties in the attempt.
SINCE DECEIT & TRICKERY HAD WORKED SO WELL THE FIRST TIME, AMBIORIX DECIDED HE MIGHT AS WELL TRY IT AGAIN AND TOLD THE SAME STORY TO CICERO.
Since deceit and trickery had worked so well the first time, he decided he might as well try it again and asked Cicero for a parley. He told the same story he had at the other cantonment, professing his innocence and reluctance to attack, and urged the Romans to leave while they could before the Germans arrived.
Ambiorix assured them of safe passage in any direction they chose to take, but Cicero declined, stating it was not Roman policy to accept terms from an enemy in arms. If Ambiorix would cease hostilities and disperse his army, then Cicero would inform Caesar of the situation and they would wait for Caesar's decision and his justice. Ambiorix returned to his men and renewed the battle.
Messengers from the fort were quickly sent to Caesar, but they were caught and killed. A Nervian in the camp named Vertico, who was a friend of Cicero's, suggested sending one of his loyal slaves, a Gaul, who could easily slip through the lines.Promising the man his freedom if he succeeded, he sent him off with a message inside the shaft of a javelin and the slave delivered the message to Caesar later that same day.
CAESAR'S RESPONSE
Acting with his usual resolve, Caesar ordered a forced march of his troops to relieve Cicero, sending messengers to the officers of other cantonments to send him reinforcements. He quickly invaded the region of the Nervii where he took a number of them prisoner and learned the specifics of Ambiorix's uprising and the siege of Cicero's cantonment. He then chose a Gaul he could trust to deliver a message to Cicero hidden inside another javelin. The Gaul passed through the enemy lines and hurled the javelin over the walls where it went undetected for three days, but when it was finally noticed, it was brought to Cicero.
Cicero assembled his men and read them Caesar's message that they would soon be relieved but ordered them not to show any greater resolve or change their behavior in any way so as not to alert the enemy. Ambiorix was confident of another victory, since there was no evidence any word had reached Caesar and no hope of help for the garrison, but he became suspicious when he noted a renewed strength to the defense, and shortly after, his scouts brought word of Roman campfires a few miles away.
Caesar in Gaul
Ambiorix recalled his men from attack and ordered a quick-march on Caesar's position. Caesar saw them coming from a distance and set his own trap. He ordered a cantonment built on the high ground of a hill overlooking the valley from which the Eburones would come and directed that it be made as small as possible to give the impression that he had only a few soldiers instead of the 7,000 he commanded. He then instructed his men to appear frightened of the approaching army, make only short forays beyond the walls as though they anticipated an imminent attack, and to give no impression of a will to fight.
Ambiorix and his army were surprised to find so small a force sent against them. They considered Caesar a coward for stopping his march and thought the little fort a pitiful attempt at defense. To encourage the Eburones' confidence, Caesar sent out a few of his forces just so the Eburones could chase them back inside the walls. Once Ambiorix had formed his army across the hill to charge the fort, and Caesar saw they had nowhere to run for cover and defense, he ordered the attack.
Every gate of the tightly-packed fort was flung open and the Romans rushed down the hill, the cavalry in the lead, breaking the Eburone lines and throwing them into a confused panic. The Eburones suffered heavy casualties in the opening clash and those who survived were cut down as they tried to escape. The Romans continued to massacre anyone found on the hillside, but Ambiorix and a few of his closest men escaped down into the valley and evaded the cavalry sent to find and kill any survivors.
THE UPRISING CRUSHED
Caesar had the fort dismantled and then joined Cicero in his cantonment after sending word to Labienus of his victory.Meanwhile, Indutiomarus of the Treverians had finally heard about Ambiorix's earlier victory and marched his army to attack Labienus' position. He sent word to the Germans that a victory over Rome was certain if they would join him, but they declined the offer, noting how they had been promised such victories over Rome in the past. There is some evidence, however, that a German force was sent anyway to support the Gauls. Without waiting for German aid, Indutiomarus launched his attack on Labienus with complete confidence of victory.
Statue of Ambiorix
Labienus, however, was equally confident; and with good reason. He had been told by a deserter from Indutiomarus' army what he looked like and where he would be positioned, and so Labienus gave orders to his cavalry that, once they were set loose on the Treverians, they were to ignore all other warriors until they had killed the Treverian king. As soon as the charge was given, the cavalry made straight for Indutiomarus and killed him. The loss of their leader demoralized the troops, and they broke ranks and fled. The historian Florus claims that the Germans, who may have been marching to support Indutiomarus, turned back to their own lands.
Whether Ambiorix was present at this battle is unclear, but shortly afterwards he deserted his tribe, with four of his bodyguard, and escaped across the Rhine into Germany. Caesar wanted him found, and would even invade Germany himself looking for him, but Ambiorix had vanished and was never heard from again.
AFTERMATH & LEGACY
If he could not bring Ambiorix to face Roman justice, Caesar reasoned, he could bring Roman justice to Ambiorix's people. He enlisted a number of men from the defeated tribes in his armies through threats and rewards and controlled the tribes themselves through the same means. He then sent these warriors out as his vanguard to kill any of the Eburone they could find and, if possible, bring him Ambiorix. Fields and homes were burned and cattle slaughtered so that those who were not killed outright by the Roman forces were left to starve to death. Cativolcus, repenting of his support for the uprising, cursed Ambiorix for the destruction of his people and then poisoned himself.
Although relatively unknown for centuries, Ambiorix was made the national hero of Belgium in 1830 CE. After Belgium won its independence they followed the same course as other European nations and looked to ancient history for a suitable champion.Ambiorix was chosen for his resistance to Roman occupation and viewed as a freedom fighter, an image which suited the politics of the day, and the details of the extermination of the Eburones was ignored. A statue of the king was raised in the town square of Tongeren in 1866 CE, depicting him as a noble Gallic warrior, and still stands in the present day.
After the uprising of 54/53 BCE, the Eburones disappear from history just as Ambiorix himself does. Their memory was preserved, ironically, by Caesar in his Gallic Wars and then by other Roman historians using that work as their source.Caesar's Gallic Wars is sometimes viewed with skepticism by modern-day historians for inaccuracy and exaggeration, but it has been proven quite accurate in a number of instances, and so it is with the account of the Eburone uprising.
In 2000 CE a cache of 102 gold coins was discovered near Tongeren, Belgium dating to the time of Ambiorix's uprising. 72 of the coins are from the Eburone tribe, and all show that they were minted quickly as they were debased with copper so the gold would last longer and more coins could be made. This cache, known as “Ambiorix's Treasure”, is presently in the museum at Tongeren and supports Caesar's account in that coins were minted in Gaul only to pay soldiers and the debasing of these coins with copper suggests an imminent military action requiring quick cash. Further, the coins which do not come from the Eburones are from the tribes Caesar reports as their allies. Another cache of similar coins, largely of the Eburones, was found in 2008 CE near Tongeren and further supports Caesar's account of an uprising which was crushed so quickly the soldiers never had a chance to even receive their pay.
Leisure in an English Medieval Castle › Antique Origins
Ancient Civilizations
Thanks to their favoured position in life and the labour of the peasants on their estates, nobles in an English medieval castlehad plenty of leisure hours which could be frittered away by eating, drinking, dancing, playing games like chess, or reading romantic stories of daring-do. Other ways to pass the time and impress one's peers were hunting in the local forest or deer park, falconry, jousting, needlework, composing poetry, playing music, and watching professional acrobats, jugglers, and jesters.
Medieval Chess Game
HUNTING
Many larger castles would have had their own stables, so horse riding was a possible form of leisure but riding for a purpose was perhaps even more popular. Hunting was the greatest example, and it was not only a leisure pursuit but had the practical rewards of improving horsemanship and dexterity with weapons, as well as livening up the castle dinner menu, too. A professional huntsman and his beaters and dog handlers stalked the animals in the local forest or protected deer park using leashed dogs. When ready a horn was blown to signal the off, and then the nobles - both men and women - rode with a pack of hunting dogs to chase down animals such as deer, boars, wolves, foxes, and hares. The breed of dogs commonly used were the hound (brachet), greyhound (levrier), and bloodhound (lymer). For the more formidable boar, the breed used was the alaunt, which was similar to the modern German shepherd.
A FINE HUNTING PARK NEXT TO ONE'S CASTLE WAS A POWERFUL SOCIAL STATEMENT IN THE COMPETITIVE ENVIRONMENT OF ARISTOCRATIC ONE-UPMANSHIP.
The whole hunting party included retainers and grooms, and so there was the possibility of a picnic mid-hunt. Once an animal was cornered a noble was given the opportunity to make the kill using a lance or bow and arrow. Even if a lord did not have his own hunting grounds, he could always pay for the privilege elsewhere as many large estate owners offered the right to hunt on their grounds for an appropriate fee. Forests were a hugely valuable resource in medieval times, and they had their own officers and inspectors to make sure they were not damaged by local farmers. Deer parks, ranging anywhere from 400 to 4000 square metres, were enclosed by earthworks, fences, and an encircling ditch. Infringements such as grazing livestock or felling timber on a castle's lands without permission led to prosecution in courts dedicated to forestry matters. Anyone who was caught poaching met with severe punishments such as fines, imprisonment, or even blinding. Finally, a fine hunting park next to one's castle was a powerful social statement in the competitive environment of aristocratic one-upmanship. Size, number of animals, and scenic additions such as ponds, as well as the granting of gift licenses to hunt in them, were all ways for a castle owner to impress friends and visitors alike.
FALCONRY
The use of birds to kill other birds is an ancient practice and, in the medieval period, falconry was especially popular across Europe. Just about any self-respecting lord had his own falcons, and his favourite bird very often shared the lord's bedroom at night and was rarely off his master's wrist during the day. Without firearms, a falcon was the only way to catch birds which flew beyond the range of an archer, although for the medieval nobility, the whole sport had a mystique and mythology about it beyond the expedience of bagging a few fowl for the table. Indeed, women also practised falconry, as can be seen on many seals depicting a noblewoman holding her favourite hawk. Such was the importance of falconry that there were books written on how to excel at it, most famously The Art of Falconry ( De Arte Venandi cum Avibus ) compiled by the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (r. 1220-1250 CE). Popular birds of choice were the gerfalcon, peregrine, goshawk, and sparrowhawk, amongst others. The birds were expensive to train and keep, so the more a lord had in his castle mews, the better he could impress his friends. Both waterfowl and forest birds were targeted, especially cranes and ducks.
Medieval Falconry
TOURNAMENTS
Like hunting, tournaments gave knights the chance to hone their skills with horses and weapons in a relatively safe and controlled environment, although there could be injuries and fatalities despite the precautions. The competitions took two formats, either a mêlée, which was a mock cavalry battle where knights had to capture each other for a ransom or the joust where a single rider armed with a lance charged at an opponent who was similarly armed. To minimise the risk of injury, weapons were adapted such as the fitting of a three-pointed head to the lance in order to reduce the impact and swords were blunted (rebated). Such weapons became known as 'arms of courtesy' or à plaisance. The popular Round Table tournaments involved knights dressing up as characters from the legends of King Arthur who then jousted and feasted in costume.Watched by an audience which included the local aristocratic ladies, motivation to perform and display chivalry was high.There were also prizes such as a gold crown, jewels, or a prized hawk so that many knights made a living doing a tour of tournament events across Europe.
Even if a local tournament was not perhaps a regular event, one could at least practice for them. A common device to hone one's lancing skills was the quintain - a rotating arm with a shield at one end and a weight at the other. A knight had to hit the shield and keep riding on to avoid being hit in the back by the weight as it swung around. Another device was a suspended ring which the knight had to catch and remove with the tip of his lance.
LITERATURE
As part of the code of medieval chivalry, gentlemen were expected not only to be familiar with poetry but also capable of composing and performing it. Books, really sheaves of illuminated manuscripts, were available on all manner of subjects besides poetry, though. There were handbooks for self-improvement such as good etiquette at table and chivalry in general, none more famous than the c. 1265 CE Book of the Order of Chivalry by Raymond Lull of Majorca. There were treatises on such quintessential aristocratic pursuits as hunting and falconry, as mentioned above.
Then there were the stories which had survived from antiquity such as the Trojan War or adventures of Alexander the Greatwhere characters and events were given a distinctly knightly, chivalric slant appropriate to the medieval mind. Perhaps the first work of this genre was Benoit de Saint-Maure's The Romance of Troy (c. 1160 CE). The legend of King Arthur was further popularised by such authors as the 12th-century CE Englishman Geoffrey of Monmouth and Frenchman Chrétien de Troyes.The tale of Saint George's tussle with a dragon was popularised by the c. 1260 CE The Golden Legend by Jacobus de Voragine. There even sprang up romances and romanticised biographies of famous medieval knights like Richard I of England (r. 1189-1199 CE) and Sir William Marshal (c. 1146-1219 CE).
Medieval Tournament Scene
CHESS, INTRODUCED TO EUROPE FROM INDIA VIA ARABIA C. 1000 CE, WAS KNOWN AS 'THE ROYAL GAME' BECAUSE OF ITS HUGE POPULARITY.
BOARD & PARLOUR GAMES
If the weather was not conducive to a game of bowls on the castle lawn, then indoor games might be the order of the day.Backgammon, dice, and chess were all popular games in the medieval period with both men and women. These games might involve a bit of betting to make them more interesting. Gambling does not seem to have suffered from any negative reputation, and even clergymen are recorded as indulging in it. Chess, introduced to Europe from India via Arabia c. 1000 CE, was known as 'the royal game' because of its huge popularity. There were two varieties - one very similar to the modern game and another, simplified version which involved dice. Knights even played chess when on campaign to while away the more tedious moments of long sieges, as depicted in medieval manuscript illustrations.
Parlour games included hot cockles, where one person must kneel while blindfolded and guess the identity of the person striking him. Another game was hoodman blind where one person must catch another member of the group but have his head covered by a hood.
Children had toys to play with when they were not studying under the local chaplain or one of his clerks. These included dolls, balls, spinning tops, and toy weapons such as bows and arrows. Archery, in particular, was a popular pastime for aristocratic boys. One can also imagine that wooden swords were used as playthings to ready a boy for his later fencing classes, a popular sport with aristocratic men.
Medieval Jester
MUSIC, DANCE & FESTIVALS
Eating was, of course, often an entertainment in itself, and in a castle, the main meal was an early lunch which might run to ten courses. After the meal, guests might dance, one type being the carole, where everyone held hands, danced in a circle, and sang. Guests were often amused by professional entertainers such as jugglers, and harpists, especially during a dinner.Troubadours (aka trouvères, travelling artists) and minstrels (in the employ of a castle) were particularly popular as they sang and played the lute, recorder, shawm (an early version of the oboe), vielle (an early violin), and percussion instruments such as drums and bells. They performed chanson de gestes and chansons d'amour, epic poems in Old French which told familiar stories of knightly daring deeds and impossible romances respectively. Other types of songs included laments, spinning songs, and political satires ( sirventes ). As noted above, many gentlemen took a turn at singing a song or performing a poem to music at a castle dinner party. A jester ( ioculator ) might tell jokes while making amusing sound effects with a bladder-slapstick or actors ( ystriones ) might perform serious dramatic scenes.
Naturally, holidays and festivals offered the opportunity for even more lavish meals and festivities. Then, as now, there were many Christian festivals and feasts but Christmas was the highlight of the year. With a 14-day holiday from Christmas Eve to Twelfth Day (6th January) the norm, the castle was decorated with holly, ivy, and bay. A huge Yule log was put in the Great Hall's fireplace and kept alight for the duration of the holiday. Knights in service of the local lord were given fine robes or even jewels as gifts. At this time of year, groups of pantomime artists known as mummers wore masks and went around houses performing and playing dice, receiving food and drink from their hosts in return.
Even the castle's staff and farmers had reason to celebrate, receiving their Christmas bonus in the form of food, drink, clothing, and firewood. The local tenants might also receive a Christmas dinner in the castle, albeit using food they had themselves provided for the occasion (they even brought their own dishes, napkins, and firewood). They could take away any leftovers and there was a game known simply as the “ancient Christmas game” where the lucky finder of a bean buried in one of the bread loaves could act as the king of the feast.
LICENSE:
Article based on information obtained from these sources:with permission from the Website Ancient History Encyclopedia
Content is available under License Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported. CC-BY-NC-SA License